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Richard Bosworth's overview of Italy's role in European and world politics from 1860 to 1960 is lively and iconclastic. Based on a combination of primary research and secondary material he examines Italian diplomacy, military power, commerce, culture, tourism and ideology. His account challenges many aspects of current Italian historiography and offers an original vision of the place of Italy in modern history.
Empires at War, 1911-1923 offers a new perspective on the history of the Great War, looking at the war beyond the generally-accepted 1914-1918 timeline, and as a global war between empires, rather than a European war between nation-states. The volume expands the story of the war both in time and space to include the violent conflicts that preceded and followed World War I, from the 1911 Italian invasion of Libya to the massive violence that followed the collapse of the Ottoman, Russian, and Austrian empires until 1923. It argues that the traditional focus on the period between August 1914 and November 1918 makes more sense for the victorious western front powers (notably Britain and France), than it does for much of central-eastern and south-eastern Europe or for those colonial troops whose demobilization did not begin in November 1918. The paroxysm of 1914-18 has to be seen in the wider context of armed imperial conflict that began in 1911 and did not end until 1923. If we take the Great War seriously as a world war, we must, a century after the event, adopt a perspective that does justice more fully to the millions of imperial subjects called upon to defend their imperial governments' interest, to theatres of war that lay far beyond Europe including in Asia and Africa and, more generally, to the wartime roles and experiences of innumerable peoples from outside the European continent. Empires at War also tells the story of the broad, global mobilizations that saw African soldiers and Chinese labourers in the trenches of the Western front, Indian troops in Jerusalem, and the Japanese military occupying Chinese territory. Finally, the volume shows how the war set the stage for the collapse not only of specific empires but of the imperial world order.
It is now 80 years since Mussolini's Fascism came to power in Italy, but the political heirs of the original Fascism are part of government in today's Italy. The resurgence of neo-fascist and neo-Nazi extremism all over Europe are a reminder of the continuing place of fascism in contemporary European society, despite its political and military defeat in 1945. This thoroughly revised, updated and expanded edition provides a critical and comprehensive overview of the origins of Fascism and the movement's taking and consolidation of power. Philip Morgan: · explains how the experience of the First World War created Fascism · describes how the unsettled post-war conditions in Italy enabled an initially small group of political adventurers around Mussolini to build a large movement and take power in 1922 · focuses on the workings of the first ever 'totalitarian' system and its impacts on the lives and outlooks of ordinary Italians · considers the meshing of internal 'fascistisation' and expansionism, which emerged most clearly after 1936 as Italy became more closely aligned with Nazi Germany · examines the demise of Italian Fascism between 1943 and 1945 as Mussolini and his party became the puppets of Nazism · provides an explanation and interpretation of Fascism, locating it in contemporary history and taking account of recent debates on the nature of the phenomenon. Clear and approachable, this essential text is ideal for anyone interested in Italy's turbulent political history in the first half of the twentieth century.
A groundbreaking account of the two largest autonomous women's associations in Italy during the early Cold War-the UDI and the CIF-and how they developed an active Italian and global agenda for the advancement of women's rights.
Throughout the Cold War, the United States encountered unexpected challenges from Italy and France, two countries with the strongest, and determinedly most anti-American, Communist Parties in Western Europe. Based primarily on new evidence from communist archives in France and Italy, as well as research archives in the United States, Alessandro Brogi's original study reveals how the United States was forced by political opposition within these two core Western countries to reassess its own anticommunist strategies, its image, and the general meaning of American liberal capitalist culture and ideology. Brogi shows that the resistance to Americanization was a critical test for the French and Italian communists' own legitimacy and existence. Their anti-Americanism was mostly dogmatic and driven by the Soviet Union, but it was also, at crucial times, subtle and ambivalent, nurturing fascination with the American culture of dissent. The staunchly anticommunist United States, Brogi argues, found a successful balance to fighting the communist threat in France and Italy by employing diplomacy and fostering instances of mild dissent in both countries. Ultimately, both the French and Italian communists failed to adapt to the forces of modernization that stemmed both from indigenous factors and from American influence. Confronting America illuminates the political, diplomatic, economic, and cultural conflicts behind the U.S.-communist confrontation.
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