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In the wake of 9/11, America and its people have experienced a sense of vulnerability unprecedented in the nation’s recent history. Buffeted by challenges from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the financial crisis, from Washington dysfunction to the rise of China and the dawn of the era of cyber warfare, two very different presidents and their advisors have struggled to cope with a relentless array of new threats. You may think you know the story. But in National Insecurity, David Rothkopf offers an entirely new perspective into the hidden struggles, the surprising triumphs, and the shocking failures of those charged with leading the United States through one of the most difficult periods in its history. Thanks to his extraordinary access, Rothkopf provides fresh insights drawing on more than one hundred exclusive interviews with the key players who shaped this era. At its core, National Insecurity is the gripping story of a superpower in crisis, seeking to adapt to a rapidly changing world, sometimes showing inspiring resilience—but often undone by the human flaws of those at the top, the mismanagement of its own system, the temptation to concentrate too much power within the hands of too few in the White House itself, and an unwillingness to draw the right lessons from the recent past. Nonetheless, within that story are unmistakable clues to a way forward that can help restore American leadership.
Argues that increased American military spending has not achieved the desired results and has instead left the country poorer and less safe than ever before.
A drastic reform of intelligence activities is long overdue. The Cold War has been over for ten years. No country threatens this nation's existence. Yet we still spend billions of dollars on covert action and espionage. In National Insecurity ten prominent experts describe, from an insider perspective, what went wrong with U.S. intelligence and what will be necessary to fix it. Drawing on their experience in government administration, research, and the foreign service, they propose a radical rethinking of the United States' intelligence needs in the post-Cold War world. In addition, they offer a coherent and unified plan for reform that can simultaneously protect U. S. security and uphold the values of our democratic system. As we now know, even during the Cold War, when intelligence was seen as a matter of life and death, our system served us badly. It provided unreliable information, which led to a grossly inflated military budget, as it wreaked havoc around the world, supporting corrupt regimes, promoting the drug trade, and repeatedly violating foreign and domestic laws. Protected by a shroud of secrecy, it paid no price for its mistakes. Instead it grew larger and more insulated every year. Taking into consideration our strategic interests abroad as well as the price of covert operations in dollars, in reliability, and in good will, every American taxpayer can be informed by and will want to read this book. National Insecurity is essential for readers interested in contemporary political issues, international relations, U.S. history, public policy issues, foreign policy, intelligence reform, and political science.
Showing how the upswell of paranoia and growing demand for security in the post-9/11 world has paradoxically created widespread insecurity, these varied essays examine how this anxiety-laden mindset erodes spaces both architectural and personal, encroaching on all aspects of everyday life. Starting from the most literal level—barricades and barriers in front of buildings, beefed up border patrols, gated communities, "safe rooms,"—to more abstract levels—enhanced surveillance at public spaces such as airports, increasing worries about contagion, the psychological predilection for fortified space—the contributors cover the full gamut of securitized public life that is defining the zeitgeist of twenty-first century America
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Delving deep into Australia's international relations, this book looks at the government of Prime Minister Howard, exposing his extreme attempt to court the United States as an ally and its dire effect on the nation's security, future prosperity, and cultural values. Three expert academics examine trade deals on uranium, agriculture, and defense, showing how Australia is being undermined by its own leaders. They also offer a compelling explanation of this pattern of betrayal.
The theoretical focus of this study lies in the linkage between power politics (agency) and market relations at the global level (structure). Power politics is expressed at the strategic level when nations pursue their "national interests," such as autonomy and political independence. The constant jockeying for position in the international system underlines the anarchic character of international relations. The global market constitutes the environment under which these actors must operate. Shifts in market relations help explain changes in conceptions of national security, as state actors respond to new challenges in the international economic system. Nonstate actors play a critical role in defining the state response to market shifts. This study uses the defense industry in both developed and developing countries as an important sector defining a country's "national security" interests, separate from the political requirements of power politics. The dissertation uses U.S.-Brazilian military relations since World War II as the basis for the study of agency-structure interrelations in the national-security arena. Three distinct phases are noted. First, under the politics of "uneven attraction" (1940s-1950s), the United States as the new global superpower used the emerging post-war structure to shape Brazil's national security perspective, as embodied in the 1952 military assistance agreement between the two countries. The second phase (1960s-1970s) points to the process of "liberation" in Brazil's national-security policy-making. Brazil's power leverage vis-8s-vis the United States was enhanced with the European recovery and the new international division of labor (internationalization of capital and production). The development of an indigenous arms industry became viable, thus leading to the unilateral cancellation by Brazil of the 1952 agreement. During the third phase (1980-85), Brazil faced the "paradox of national insecurity." In order for its arms industry to survive financially, it had to import foreign technology, which again exposed the country to the political requirements of technology exporters. In the Brazilian case, we see this paradoxical process in the signing of the 1984 memorandum of understanding with the United States.

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