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A Pulitzer Prize–winning reporter’s riveting account of the transformation of the CIA and America’s special operations forces into man-hunting and killing machines in the world’s dark spaces: the new American way of war The most momentous change in American warfare over the past decade has taken place away from the battlefields of Afghanistan and Iraq, in the corners of the world where large armies can’t go. The Way of the Knife is the untold story of that shadow war: a campaign that has blurred the lines between soldiers and spies and lowered the bar for waging war across the globe. America has pursued its enemies with killer drones and special operations troops; trained privateers for assassination missions and used them to set up clandestine spying networks; and relied on mercurial dictators, untrustworthy foreign intelligence services, and proxy armies. This new approach to war has been embraced by Washington as a lower risk, lower cost alternative to the messy wars of occupation and has been championed as a clean and surgical way of conflict. But the knife has created enemies just as it has killed them. It has fomented resentments among allies, fueled instability, and created new weapons unbound by the normal rules of accountability during wartime. Mark Mazzetti tracks an astonishing cast of characters on the ground in the shadow war, from a CIA officer dropped into the tribal areas to learn the hard way how the spy games in Pakistan are played to the chain-smoking Pentagon official running an off-the-books spy operation, from a Virginia socialite whom the Pentagon hired to gather intelligence about militants in Somalia to a CIA contractor imprisoned in Lahore after going off the leash. At the heart of the book is the story of two proud and rival entities, the CIA and the American military, elbowing each other for supremacy. Sometimes, as with the raid that killed Osama bin Laden, their efforts have been perfectly coordinated. Other times, including the failed operations disclosed here for the first time, they have not. For better or worse, their struggles will define American national security in the years to come.
Der Tod von Osama bin Laden war nur eine kleine Episode im offiziellen US-Kampf gegen den Terror. Denn immer mehr öffnet sich der Blick auf eine viel dramatischere Entwicklung: den Schattenkrieg der USA, der sich weitgehend im Verborgenen abspielt – und in dem der CIA immer mehr zur Kriegspartei wird. Auf packende Weise zeigt Pulitzer-Preisträger Mark Mazzetti in seinem Buch, wie der US-Geheimdienst, einst als Spionageorganisation des Kalten Kriegs gegründet , zur Tötungsmaschine wurde und mittlerweile im Auftrag des Weißen Hauses auf vielen Schlachtfeldern des sogenannten „Anti-Terror-Kriegs“ agiert: vom Drohneneinsatz in den pakistanischen Bergen über Auftragsmorde in Nordafrika bis hin zum Propagandakrieg am Golf. Dabei schildert Mazzetti diese neue Art der Kriegführung auch aus der Perspektive ihrer Akteure: des jungen CIA-Agenten, der in den Stammesgebieten Pakistans gefangen genommen wird, des Air Force-Piloten, der von der Nevada-Wüste aus Drohnen navigiert oder des Pentagonbeamten, der eine geheime Luftwaffe in Afghanistan und Pakistan steuert. Dieser Schattenkrieg hat die Grenze zwischen Spion und Soldat vollends verwischt, er hat die Hemmschwelle zum Töten und die Hürde für den Kriegseintritt rund um den Erdball gesenkt. Ein globaler Feldzug, der unser Bild des Krieges radikal verändern wird.
Daniel Domscheit-Berg war Sprecher von WikiLeaks und neben Julian Assange das einzig bekannte Gesicht der Enthüllungsplattform. In seinem Insider-Report gewährt er tiefe Einblicke in diese verschwiegene Organisation, die weltweit den Mächtigen das Fürchten lehrte. Er erzählt die Geschichte von WikiLeaks, wie sie noch keiner gehört hat.
The Rhetorical Invention of America's National Security State uses a broad range of materials, including technical, journalistic, entertainment, academic, and legal sources to explore the role of rhetoric in the expansion and maintenance of America’s national security state. It helps audiences understand the complex discourses produced by and constitutive of the national security state. Its interdisciplinary approach will resonate with scholars working in a number of different fields, including rhetoric, critical security studies, and science and technology studies.
The Drone Memos collects for the first time the legal and policy documents underlying the U.S. government’s deeply controversial practice of “targeted killing”—the extrajudicial killing of suspected terrorists and militants, typically using remotely piloted aircraft or “drones.” The documents—including the Presidential Policy Guidance that provides the framework for drone strikes today, Justice Department white papers addressing the assassination of an American citizen, and a highly classified legal memo that was published only after a landmark legal battle involving the ACLU, the New York Times, and the CIA—together constitute a remarkable effort to legitimize a practice that most human rights experts consider to be unlawful and that the United States has historically condemned. In a lucid and provocative introduction, Jameel Jaffer, who led the ACLU legal team that secured the release of many of the documents, evaluates the “drone memos” in light of domestic and international law. He connects the documents’ legal abstractions to the real-world violence they allow, and makes the case that we are trading core principles of democracy and human rights for the illusion of security.
This volume is a collection of articles that critically examine the efficacy, ethics, and impact of the War on Terror as it has evolved since 9/11. During the decade and a half of the Global War on Terror (GWOT), numerous books have considered the political, psychosocial, and economic impacts of terrorism. However, there has been little systematic effort to examine the effectiveness of the GWOT in achieving its goals. Furthermore, there is virtually nothing that presents a comparative analysis of the GWOT by the people most directly affected by it—citizens and scholars from conflict zones in the Middle East. There is, therefore, great need for a book that analyzes the strategies, tactics, and outcomes of the GWOT and that also presents facts and ideas that are missing or underrepresented in the dominant public narratives. The contributions in this volume were chosen to specifically address this need. In doing so, it uniquely provides not only Western perspectives of the GWOT, but also importantly includes perspectives from the Middle East and those most directly affected by it, including contributions from scholars and policy makers. Overall, the contributions demonstrate how views differ based on geographical location, and how views have changed during the course of the still-evolving War on Terror. The book will be of much interest to students and scholars of terrorism and counter-terrorism, foreign policy, Middle Eastern politics, security studies and IR, as well as policy makers.

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