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With a new preface and updated chapters, White Like Me is one-part memoir, one-part polemical essay collection. It is a personal examination of the way in which racial privilege shapes the daily lives of white Americans in every realm: employment, education, housing, criminal justice, and elsewhere. Using stories from his own life, Tim Wise demonstrates the ways in which racism not only burdens people of color, but also benefits, in relative terms, those who are “white like him.” He discusses how racial privilege can harm whites in the long run and make progressive social change less likely. He explores the ways in which whites can challenge their unjust privileges, and explains in clear and convincing language why it is in the best interest of whites themselves to do so. Using anecdotes instead of stale statistics, Wise weaves a narrative that is at once readable and yet scholarly, analytical and yet accessible.
Presents a collection of essays that cover the topics of white privilege, racism, and responsibility in the United States.
Eine Kommodenschublade im New Orleans der Depressionsjahre ist die Wiege des Schwarzen David Champlin. Das kleine Haus im ärmlichen Stadtteil Beauregard, wo er unter der Obhut seines gütigen Großvaters Li’l Joe heranwächst, wird für den wachen Jungen zum sicheren Zentrum in einer Welt voller Gefahren, die ihn früh zu ständiger Wachsamkeit erziehen. College und Universität im Norden und ein Studium des internationalen Rechts in Oxford liefern David Champlin die geistigen Waffen, mit denen er, der wegen seiner Hautfarbe Geächtete, gegen den Goliath Haß zu Feld ziehen kann. Ein polternder rotbärtiger Koloß, der Däne Bjarne Knudsen, führt ihn in die Welt des Wissens und der Pflichten des Wissenden ein. Die Aussicht auf eine glänzende Anwaltskarriere und das ehrenvolle Amt, das ihm schließlich die Regierung in Washington anbietet, sind die Versuchungen, sich der harten Verantwortung für seine bedrängten schwarzen Brüder zu entziehen. Die Liebe zu dem weißen Mädchen Sara, das er heiratet, zwingt ihn, auf zwei Planeten zu leben oder eine Entscheidung zu fällen, mit der er unausweichlich einen Teil seiner Persönlichkeit opfern müßte. Und dennoch entscheidet er sich, der Welt von Prestige und Komfort, in der er arriviert ist, zu entsagen. Er kehrt in den tiefen Süden zurück und engagiert sich vorbehaltlos im Kampf für die Bürgerrechte jener Menschen, in deren Welt die Wurzeln seiner Kraft und seines Denkens liegen. Cainsville, ein Flecken im Schatten des Ku-Klux-Klan-Terrors, wird zum Prüfstein für Davids Befreiungskampf.
Seit dem 19. Jahrhundert finden Afroamerikaner im Islam eine attraktive Alternative zum Christentum. Prominente Konvertiten wie Malcolm X und Muhammad Ali sind Ikonen eines Islam, der auf Selbstdisziplinierung und Aufstiegswillen setzt. Anhand ethnographischer Quellen und deren Einordnung in sozialwissenschaftliche Diskurse zu US-Geschichte und Gesellschaft zeigt Katrin Simon auf eindrückliche Weise, dass der »Black Islam« ein eigenständiges Phänomen ist, der sich vom Islam der Einwanderer unterscheidet. So entsteht ein einmaliger Blick in ein Amerika, in dem Ghetto-Imame und verschleierte Feministinnen gegen Rassismus auch in den eigenen Reihen kämpfen.
This book, The State of the American Mind: Stupor and Pathetic Docility Volume One begins to unravel some of the most obvious, perplexing, embarrassing and enduring problems and contradictions of American history and sociology, viz., how could the American revolution that started with the most ringing and most inspiring Declarations of human equality in world history end up establishing the most vicious, exploitative society the world ever knew Black chattel slavery and only ten percent white enfranchisement, etc. Further, how could men of such great wisdom and intellect like George Washington, James Madison, Thomas Jefferson, and others who were Enlightenment scholars and clearly knew that slavery was despicable and evil, because they had variously experienced white servitude and slavery themselves, collude to establish and institutionalize the horrible system of Negro chattel slavery in America; and also disenfranchised over 90 percent of people of their own race actions that racism could not explain. The structural/institutional slavery system they established, and the resultant consequent racism hobbles America today as it did in the past, and forced Eric Holder, the Attorney General to declare that, America is a nation of cowards, when it comes to race discussions. Thus, this book starts with serious critical discussions of race in America and reveals what no textbook has ever done, viz., that most early American whites and Blacks were slaves an uncomfortable fact that would shock most Americans because it contradicts the orthodoxy or the dominant narrative that only Blacks were brought here in chains. Further, the book also shows the year Black slavery started something almost, all textbooks got wrong. It also shows who, was the fi rst Black slave in America something no textbook ever mentions. It also shows when and how racism started in America and many other very sensitive and embarrassing but necessary issues that America avoids but must be frankly discussed for America to move forward. This book therefore shatters the two dominant themes of Americas history and sociology that Blacks were brought into America in chains as slaves while whites came to America in search of freedom, as Obama famously told us in his race speech. Thus, the crowning lesson of this book, in addition to discussing some critical policy issues like education, health care, etc., is that it discovers the centripetal force of the American society that eluded contemporary Americans because American bosses have laboriously concealed the facts from the public the scary but clearly healthy uniting fact that most Americans are united by their common ancestry, their universal history and experience of servitude, bond-indentures and slavery. Nothing is more universal, more common and more shared in American history and sociology than the fact that most of our ancestors, black and white, were servants, bond-indentures and slaves who were dominated and super-exploited by few overlords. Colonial America was the preferred dumping ground for British, outcasts, rejects, criminals, masterless class, vagabonds, bond-indentures, slaves, etc., until 1776 when Australia replaced America as the British dump for its rejects and surplus citizens. Thus, that America was a nation founded by British rejects and losers is inherently more rational than the prevailing orthodoxy or the Obama theory of Americas founders that they were great honorable men who journeyed across the ocean for freedom because of the obvious reason that good, powerful achieving citizens do not normally emigrate to new uncharted lands.
Beyond C. L. R. James brings together essays analyzing the intercon¬nections among race, ethnicity, and sport. Published in memory of C. L. R. James, the revolutionary sociologist and writer from Trinidad who penned the famous autobiographical account of cricket titled Beyond a Boundary, this collection of essays, many of which originated at the 2010 conference on race and ethnicity in sport at the University of West Indies, Cave Hill in Barbados, cover everything from Aborigines in sport and cricket and minstrel shows in Australia to Zulu stick fighting and football and racism in northern Ireland. The essays, divided into four sections that include introductory comments by each editor, are written by some of the more well-known sport historians in the world and characterized by a focus on the role of culture and sport in society in the context of both political economies and the state as well as colonial and postcolonial struggles. Included also are discussions on how sport at once brings people together, shapes the identities of its participants, and reflects the continuing search for social justice.

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