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On 24 October 1964, the Republic of Zambia was formed, replacing the territory which had formerly been known as Northern Rhodesia. Fifty years on, Andrew Sardanis provides a sympathetic but critical insider’s account of Zambia, from independence to the present. He paints a stark picture of Northern Rhodesia at decolonisation and the problems of the incoming government, presented with an immense uphill task of rebuilding the infrastructure of government and administration - civil service, law, local government and economic development. As a friend and colleague of many of the most prominent names in post-independence Zambia - from the presidencies of founding leader Kenneth Kaunda to the incumbent Michael Sata - Sardanis uses his unique eyewitness experience to provide an inside view of a country in transition.
Foreign direct investment in the natural resource industries is fostered through the signing of concession agreements between the host State and the investor. However, such concessions are susceptible to alteration by the host State, meaning that many investors now require the insertion of stabilization clauses. These are provisions that require the host State to agree that they will not take any administrative or legislative action that would adversely affect the rights of the investor. Arguing that it is necessary to have some form of flexibility in concession agreements while still offering protection of the legitimate expectations of the investor, Resource Nationalism in International Investment Law proposes the insertion of renegotiation clauses in order to foster flexible relationships between the investor and the host State. Such clauses bind the parties to renegotiate the terms of the contract, in good faith, when prevailing circumstances change. However these clauses can also prove problematic for both State and investor due to their rigidity. Using Zambia as a case study, it highlights the limitations of the efficient breach theory to emphasise the need for contractual flexibility.
Over the past few decades, the developing world has seen unprecendented urban growth and urban areas have had to deal with a number of complex problems as a result. While population growth is one of the factors contributing to the deprivation and decay characteristic of most urban areas in the developing world, there are other factors. Apart from demographic and economic factors, the political organization factor of centralization has concentrated decision-making and with it resources in the urban areas, leading to further rural-urban migration. Another factor is one of colonialism. The transfer of foreign social structures and technology, while offering alternatives, has dislocated and significantly altered indigenous patterns of development in the developing world. This book examines a region where this last factor is a major significance; Zambia's copperbelt. Here, the concentration of towns which were developed very rapidly in the 1930s made Zambia one of the most highly urbanized Sub-Saharan countries. By focusing on copperbelt towns, the book provides a critical analysis of the development of urban policy in Zambia. Aspects of conflict and cooperation between different interest groups and - where relevant - their economic relationships are explored and a structural conflict model of urban management is proposed. The book concludes that, with proper management, existing and emerging sectional interests in urban areas can help provide conditions which foster the formulation of equitable urban policy. Although focused on Zambia, the proposed structural conflict approach has potential for wider application.
Number 6 includes cumulative main and added entry index for the monographs listed in that year.
Afrika ist ein armer Kontinent. Ein Kontinent voller Hunger, blutiger Konflikte, gescheiterter Staaten, voller Korruption und Elend. Um zu helfen, adoptieren Prominente afrikanische Halbwaisen und flanieren durch Flüchtlingslager, laden die Gutmenschen unter den Popstars zu Benefiz-Konzerten, und westliche Staaten haben in den letzten 50 Jahren eine Billion Dollar an afrikanische Regierungen gezahlt. Aber trotz Jahrzehnten von billigen Darlehen, nicht rückzahlbaren Krediten, Schuldenerlassen, bilateraler und multilateraler Hilfe steht Afrika schlimmer da als je zuvor. Mit Dead Aid hat Dambisa Moyo ein provokatives Plädoyer gegen Entwicklungshilfe und für Afrika geschrieben. Knapp, faktenreich und zwingend legt sie ihre Argumente dar. Entwicklungshilfe, im Sinne von Geld-Transfers zwischen Regierungen, macht abhängig. Sie zementiert die bestehenden Gegebenheiten, fördert Korruption und finanziert sogar Kriege. Sie zerstört jeden Anreiz, gut zu wirtschaften und die Volkswirtschaft anzukurbeln. Entwicklungshilfe zu beziehen ist einfacher, als ein Land zu sanieren. Im Gegensatz zu Bono und Bob Geldoff weiß Moyo, wovon sie spricht. Die in Sambia geborene und aufgewachsene Harvard-Ökonomin arbeitete jahrelang für die Weltbank. In Dead Aid erklärt sie nicht nur, was die negativen Folgen von Entwicklungshilfe sind und warum China für Afrika eine Lösung und nicht Teil des Problems ist; sie entwirft zudem einen Weg, wie sich Afrika aus eigener Kraft und selbstbestimmt entwickeln kann. In den USA und Großbritannien löste Dead Aid eine hitzige Debatte aus. Es stand mehrere Wochen auf der New York Times Bestsellerliste und wurde vom Sunday Herald zum Buch des Jahres gewählt. Das Time Magazine wählte Dambisa Moyo 2009 zu einer der 100 wichtigsten Persönlichkeiten der Welt.
Number 6 includes cumulative main and added entry index for the monographs listed in that year.

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