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Diplomatic Investigations is a classic work in the field of International Relations. It is one of the few books in the field of International Relations (IR) that can be called iconic. Edited by Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight, it brings together twelve papers delivered to early meetings of the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics, including several classic essays: Wight's 'Why is there no International Theory?' and 'Western Values in International Relations', Hedley Bull's 'Society and Anarchy in International Relations' and 'The Grotian Conception of International Society', and the two contributions made by Butterfield and by Wight on 'The Balance of Power'. Individually and collectively, these chapters have influenced not just the English school of international relations, but also a range of other approaches to the field of IR. After Diplomatic Investigations ceased to be available in print, it became a highly sought after book in the second-hand marketplace. This reissue, which includes a new introduction by Ian Hall and Tim Dunne, will ensure the book is available in the normal way, thereby enabling new generations of students and scholars to appreciate the work.
Volume II continues the analyses and discussion of national security policy and strategy.
What does theory have to do with the concept - let alone the practice - of diplomacy? More than we might think, a Costas M. Constantinou amply demonstrates in this provocative reconsideration of both the concept of diplomacy and the working of theory.
A textbook introduction to international law and justice is specially written for students studying law in other departments, such as politics and IR. Students will engage with debates surrounding sovereignty and global governance, sovereign and diplomati
The years 1650 to 1750 – sandwiched between an age of 'wars of religion' and an age of 'revolutionary wars' – have often been characterized as a 'de-ideologized' period. However, the essays in this collection contend that this is a mistaken assumption. For whilst international relations during this time may lack the obvious polarization between Catholic and Protestant visible in the proceeding hundred years, or the highly charged contest between monarchies and republics of the late eighteenth century, it is forcibly argued that ideology had a fundamental part to play in this crucial transformative stage of European history. Many early modernists have paid little attention to international relations theory, often taking a 'Realist' approach that emphasizes the anarchism, materialism and power-political nature of international relations. In contrast, this volume provides alternative perspectives, viewing international relations as socially constructed and influenced by ideas, ideology and identities. Building on such theoretical developments, allows international relations after 1648 to be fundamentally reconsidered, by putting political and economic ideology firmly back into the picture. By engaging with, and building upon, recent theoretical developments, this collection treads new terrain. Not only does it integrate cultural history with high politics and foreign policy, it also engages directly with themes discussed by political scientists and international relations theorists. As such it offers a fresh, and genuinely interdisciplinary approach to this complex and fundamental period in Europe's development.
This book examines the interface between the theoretical framework known as the English School and the international and transnational politics of Southeast Asia. The region-theory dialogue it proposes signals productive ways forward for the theory.
Re-Framing the International insists that, if we are to properly face the challenges of the coming century, we need to re-examine international politics and development through the prism of ethics and morality. International relations must now contend with a widening circle of participants reflecting the diversity and uneveness of status, memory, gender, race, culture and class.
Nicholas Onuf is a leading scholar in international relations and introduced constructivism to international relations, coining the term constructivism in his book World of Our Making (1989). He was featured as one of twelve scholars featured in Iver B. Neumann and Ole Wæver, eds., The Future of International Relations: Masters in the Making? (1996); and featured in Martin Griffiths, Steven C. Roach and M. Scott Solomon, Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations, 2nd ed. (2009). This powerful collection of essays clarifies Onuf’s approach to international relations and makes a decisive contribution to the debates in IR concerning theory. It embeds the theoretical project in the wider horizon of how we understand ourselves and the world. Onuf updates earlier themes and his general constructivist approach, and develops some newer lines of research, such as the work on metaphors and the re-grounding in much more Aristotle than before. A complement to the author’s groundbreaking book of 1989, World of Our Making, this tightly argued book draws extensively from philosophy and social theory to advance constructivism in International Relations. Making Sense, Making Worlds will be vital reading for students and scholars of international relations, international relations theory, social theory and law.
Many assume that in international politics, and especially in war, "anything goes." Civil War general William Sherman said war "is all hell." The implication behind the maxim is that in war, as in hell, there is no order, only chaos; no mercy, only cruelty; no restraint, only suffering. Ward Thomas finds that this "anything goes" view is demonstrably wrong. It neither reflects how most people talk about the use of force in international relations nor describes the way national leaders actually use military force. Events such as those in Europe during World War Two, in the Persian Gulf War, and in Kosovo cannot be understood, he argues, until we realize that state behavior, even during wartime, is shaped by common understandings about what is ethically acceptable and unacceptable. Thomas makes extensive use of two cases—the assassination of foreign leaders and the aerial bombardment of civilians—to trace the relative influence of norms and interests. His insistence on interconnections between ethical principle and material power leads to a revised understanding of the role of normative factors in foreign policy and the ways in which power and interest shape the international system.
Argues that the security of the United States cannot be protected by reducing its involvement in international affairs. The book contends that the most vital security interest of the nation is in the effective functioning of the state system as a system of peace.
The Department of State's Bureau of Diplomatic Security (DS) protects people, information, and property at over 400 locations worldwide and has experienced a large growth in its budget and personnel over the last decade. DS trains its workforce and others to address a variety of threats, including crime, espionage, visa and passport fraud, technological intrusions, political violence, and terrorism. This report examined: (1) how DS ensures the quality and appropriateness of its training; (2) the extent to which DS ensures that training requirements are being met; and (3) any challenges that DS faces in carrying out its training mission. Charts and tables. This is a print on demand edition of an important, hard-to-find publication.
Offering a comprehensive account of the work of Hedley Bull, Ayson analyses the breadth of Bull's work as a Foreign Office official for Harold Wilson's government, the complexity of his views, including Bull's unpublished papers, and challenges some of the comfortable assertions about Bull's place in the English School of IR.
The European nation state is now placed between the interconnected processes of globalization and European integration. This new book examines these evolving relationships, showing how the conventional territorial basis of the state is being reappraised. Bringing together leading thinkers on the nation state, this volume tackles key questions about how we should conceptualize and discuss the political significance of territory in today’s world. For example, does the era of Europeanization and globalization herald the end of citizens’ traditional attachment to their national territories? Do our conceptions of the state no longer correspond to contemporary political realities? These questions are approached from a range of positions that illuminate the debates now taking place across the world. This book delivers a clear set of key concepts, indicators and theoretical notions to carry out a historically and empirically grounded examination. Drawing upon case studies from across Europe, the lessons and conclusions detailed have a fascinating international scope and can be applied to our understanding of globalization, which is intimately connected with European integration. This is an invaluable book for all students of European integration, political science and international relations.
More than fifty specialists have contributed to this new edition of volume 4 of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature. The design of the original work has established itself so firmly as a workable solution to the immense problems of analysis, articulation and coordination that it has been retained in all its essentials for the new edition. The task of the new contributors has been to revise and integrate the lists of 1940 and 1957, to add materials of the following decade, to correct and refine the bibliographical details already available, and to re-shape the whole according to a new series of conventions devised to give greater clarity and consistency to the entries.
How are alliances made? In this book, Stephen M. Walt makes a significant contribution to this topic, surveying theories of the origins of international alliances and identifying the most important causes of security cooperation between states. In addition, he proposes a fundamental change in the present conceptions of alliance systems. Contrary to traditional balance-of-power theories, Walt shows that states form alliances not simply to balance power but in order to balance threats. Walt begins by outlining five general hypotheses about the causes of alliances. Drawing upon diplomatic history and a detailed study of alliance formation in the Middle East between 1955 and 1979, he demonstrates that states are more likely to join together against threats than they are to ally themselves with threatening powers. Walt also examines the impact of ideology on alliance preferences and the role of foreign aid and transnational penetration. His analysis show, however, that these motives for alignment are relatively less important. In his conclusion, he examines the implications of "balance of threat" for U.S. foreign policy.
Troy analyses how the understanding of religion in Realism and the English School helps in working towards the greater good in international relations, studying religion within the overall framework of international affairs and the field of peace studies.

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