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This paper compares the way in which two leading developing countries in the global debate on biotechnology have sought to translate policy commitments contained in international agreements on trade and biosafety into workable national policy. It is a complex story of selective interpretation, conflict over priorities and politicking at the highest levels of government. It connects the micro-politics of inter-bureaucratic turf-wars with the diplomacy of inter-state negotiations and coalition-building. At the same time, the role of business and civil society actors, media and scientific communities, will also be shown to be key. It is argued that global commitments take on a fundamentally different shape once they have been refracted through domestic political processes. The analysis shows that competing policy networks that cut across the state and form part of global alliances seek to interpret international legal obligations in ways which help to consolidate their position within the bureaucracy. Working with allies in industry or among civil society groups, different government departments seek to domesticate loosely worded and often ambiguous obligations contained in trade and environmental agreements, such as the Cartagena Protocol, in ways which advance their political goals. This political manoeuvring takes on global dimensions when alliances are formed with international scientific, industry or activist communities to bolster positions adopted domestically. Likewise, domestic politics get played out in global fora as these agreements are being negotiated, where countries such as India and China have to adapt negotiating positions to a shifting sense of how the national interest is best served and navigating a course which is likely to be acceptable to key domestic constituencies when the agreement comes to be implemented. Each country also has a sufficiently clearly defined interest in biotechnology that international processes are regarded as an opportunity to 'internationalise' domestic policy preferences and secure scope for discretion in national policy-making.
Current Legal Issues, like its sister volume Current Legal Problems (now available in journal format), is based upon an annual colloquium held at University College London. Each year leading scholars from around the world gather to discuss the relationship between law and another discipline of thought. Each colloquium examines how the external discipline is conceived in legal thought and argument, how the law is pictured in that discipline, and analyses points of controversy in the use, and abuse, of extra-legal arguments within legal theory and practice. Law and Global Health, the sixteenth volume in the Current Legal Issues series, offers an insight into the scholarship examining the relationship between global health and the law. Covering a wide range of areas from all over the world, articles in the volume look at areas of human rights, vulnerable populations, ethical issues, legal responses and governance.
The hardline view of Sino-Indian relations found in the published reports of Indian and Chinese security analysts is often at considerable odds with the more tempered opinions those same analysts express in private interviews and conversations. What is the reality of the increasingly important security relationship between the two countries? The authors of this new study address that question in depth. Sidhu and Yuan explore a range of key issues, including mutual distrust and misperception (perhaps the most important factor), the undemarcated border, the status of Tibet and Sikkim, trade, the tussle over various nonproliferation treaties, terrorism, the regional roles of the U.S. and Pakistan, and the impact of domestic public opinion and special interests. They do see a trend toward a more pragmatic approach in Beijing and New Delhi to managing differences and broadening the agenda of common interests. Nevertheless, they conclude, significant obstacles remain to the amicable relationship necessary for regional peace and stability, posing a daunting challenge to policymakers in these two rising powers.
The aim of this book is to analyze the nature of European and North American firms' business experience in India with a particular emphasis on understanding the causes of their successes and failure. Part of this is due to the fact that although India resembles the West in some ways, the institutional environment is radically different from that of Euro-American societies. Differences in culture, politics, the economy, and business structure all make it difficult for a Western manager to act accordingly. This book strives to offer Western managers the knowledge they will need to succeed in business in India.
One third of humanity is governed by two capitals, New Delhi and Beijing. Increasingly, these two countries are being led not from the top down, but rather from the Inside Out. In 2014, India overwhelmingly elected Narendra Modi minister, a man who rose to national prominence as chief minister of Gujarat, India's fastest growing state. Likewise, in 2013, Xi Jinping took over as president of China, having served as top official in Zhejiang and Shanghai, two of China's most prosperous provinces. Anticipating these trends and leadership transitions, William Antholis spent five months in 2012 traversing twenty Indian states and Chinese provinces, conducting over three hundred interviews, including with Narendra Modi. Antholis's detailed narratives show what both Modi and Xi Jinping learned firsthand: that local successes—and failures—will determine the future of the world's largest two nations. And his new forward, prepared for this edition, lays out key takeaways from the transitions of 2013 and 2014.
Focused on unique features of economic development, this edited volume examines the nature and structure of corporate governance of several key state-owned enterprises in China and public sector units in India in five strategic sectors: oil and natural gas, steel, coal, electricity generation, and banking industries.
The future of China, India and Asia’s other emerging economies and their ability to take a ‘low-carbon’ and ‘climate-resilient’ development path determine the future of global carbon emissions and climate change. Indeed, the battle to confront global climate change will be won or lost in Asia. The transition to a low-carbon, climate-resilient economy (LCE), which involves many steps towards improved energy efficiency, alternative energy sources and transport systems, sustainable land use, eco-friendly consumption and proactive adaptation, may be regarded as the world's fourth revolution, after the industrial revolution, agricultural revolution, and the information revolution. Asia is highly vulnerable to impacts of climate change. Yet because of its dynamic economies and massive populations, Asia offers the greatest opportunity for overcoming the trade-offs and pursuing low-carbon development pathways. With a growing consensus that there is limited time to avoid the worst impacts of climate change, scientists, engineers, policymakers, and economists across Asia have recently begun discussions on how Asia can make a transition to LCE. Most discussions, however, focused on transfer of technologies from developed to developing countries and overlooked other equally important challenges such as financing, governance, and information dissemination. This book is the first to look at these neglected aspects of LCE and attempt to integrate both market-based and technology-based solutions into a comprehensive strategy to creating a roadmap for LCE in Asia. This book is an essential reading for economists, policy makers, practitioners, engineers and researchers concerned with climate change, energy production and development in Asia and the impacts and potential for the world.

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