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This refreshed and dynamic Seventh Edition of Keeping the Republic, Brief revitalizes the twin themes of power and citizenship by adding to the imperative for students to navigate competing political narratives about who should get what, and how they should get it. The exploding possibilities of the digital age make this task all the more urgent and complex. Christine Barbour and Gerald Wright, the authors of this bestseller, continue to meet students where they are in order to give them a sophisticated understanding of American politics and teach them the skills to think critically about it. The entire book has been refocused to look not just at power and citizenship but at the role that control of information and its savvy consumption play in keeping the republic. Carefully condensed from the full version by the authors, this Brief Edition provides all the continuity and crucial content in a more concise, value-priced package.
FACING THE WORST ECONOMY SINCE THE 1930S, PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA HIRED A CRACK TEAM OF ESCAPE ARTISTS: financial wizards who had pulled off numerous white-knuckle getaways during the Clinton era and who were ready to do it all over again. Three years later, with the economy still in a rut, it’s clear that they fell far short. This is the inside story of what went wrong. The Escape Artists features previously undisclosed internal documents and extensive, original reporting from the highest levels of the administration. Star White House journalist Noam Scheiber reveals the mistakes and missed opportunities that kept the president’s pedigreed team from steering the economy in the right direction. He shows what responsibility the president bears for those missteps, what bold actions his brain trust refused to take despite its preternatural confidence, and how the White House was regularly outmaneuvered by Republicans in Congress. Tracking the administration’s efforts deep into the fall of 2011, The Escape Artists provides a gripping look inside the meeting rooms, in-boxes, and minds of the men who tried to manage the defining crisis of the Obama presidency: how the very qualities that made these men and women escape artists in the 1990s ultimately failed them. *** THREE YEARS INTO THE OBAMA PRESIDENCY, THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE WAS PAINFULLY HIGH, THE GAP BETWEEN RICH AND POOR HAD WIDENED, AND THE STIMULUS HAD NOT DONE ENOUGH TO BRING JOBS BACK. WHAT WENT WRONG? A PRESIDENT WITH OTHER PRIORITIES . . . Barack Obama hadn’t run for president just so he could clean up someone else’s mess, however urgent the task. He’d run for president to usher in once-in-a-generation achievements like health care reform—“to change the trajectory of America.” Timothy Geithner remarked to President-elect Obama that “your signature accomplishment is going to be preventing a Great Depression.” Obama’s response was slightly jarring. “That’s not enough for me,” he said. It dawned on Geithner that he and his colleagues were a sideshow rather than the main attraction. “If you don’t do that, nothing else is possible,” Geithner protested. “Yeah,” Obama repeated, “but that’s not enough.” AN ECONOMIC TEAM RELUCTANT TO TAKE BOLD ACTION . . . David Axelrod was preparing Christina Romer, Obama’s chief economist, for a Sunday talk show. Many experts were voicing doubts about the size of the original package, and so Axelrod asked, “Was the stimulus big enough?” Without hesitating, Romer responded, “Abso-f---ing-lutely not.” She said it half-jokingly; Axelrod did not seem amused. AND A BRAIN TRUST THAT BELIEVED IT KNEW BETTER . . . It was the worst of all worlds for the Obama administration: a country that took one look at the languishing economy and another at the recovery on Wall Street and concluded that its government had put big banks ahead of ordinary people. Generously, the S&P officials didn’t point out any of this. Instead, the leader of the group confessed that the agency was mostly concerned about the prospects for bipartisan compromise. At this, Geithner became dismissive. His message was unmistakable: TRUST US, WE’VE DONE THIS BEFORE.
This is a print on demand edition of a hard to find publication. Surveys the U.S. Army¿s approach to media relations from the Spanish-American War to the first Gulf War. The relationship between the Army and the media is considered in the broader context of the U.S. Government¿s approach to info. mgmt. (IM) Here is an overview of how the U.S. Army has approached its relations with the media over the previous century. Since World War I a number of bureaucratic manifestations of IM have been tried in wartime. With the exception of the U.S. Info. Agency, whose tenure spanned the period from 1953 to 1999, all the other manifestations of bureaucratic IM rose and fell during the wars in which they were created. The need for units in the field to participate in IM is a major challenge for future operations. Illus.
In 2002, the second Berlusconi government, given its parliamentary strength, should have been able to implement its ambitious reform program. This 18th edition of Italian Politics examines the events of that year in light of the opportunities and the domestic and international constraints faced by Italy's center-right government. This volume discusses the actions of the Italian president, the prime minister's function within the cabinet, the overall behaviour of the government vis-a-vis Parliament, majority-opposition clashes in the legislature, foreign affairs, and economic and immigration policy. Moreover, the volume focuses on selected heated issues, including Berlusconi's conflict with the judiciary, reform of the labor market, evolution of banking foundations, and the crisis of Fiat, the nation's largest manufacturing group.
Reveals how Patrice Lumumba, the first prime minister of the Republic of Congo, was murdered in January, 1961, directly by the Belgian government and Congolese rebels, but with the indirect help of the United States and United Nations.
Until the present time there have been seven stages of United States expansionism - from the Federal unification of the original states to the 'New World Order' planned by US-led commercial elites before and after 1989. Extrapolating both from the author's distinctive reading of history and the evidence of President Obama's own speeches and actions, The Secret American Dream proposes that the US now faces a new, eighth, phase of expansion. In this, the traditional 'American Dream' of peace, social order and prosperity would be extended to all humankind. This ambitious plan - little known and understood outside President Obama's inner circle - would involve the creation of a benevolent World State initiated, but not dominated, by the United States. The Secret American Dream suggests that the first step in establishing the World State - a supranational authority with legal powers to abolish war and nuclear weapons - would be a visit by the US President to the UN General Assembly requesting a World Constitutional Convention. Under the President's proposals, the existing UN General Assembly would become an elected, 850-seat lower house, alongside a new World Senate and an executive called the World Commission. A senatorial World Openness Committee would control the world's commercial elites and harness their positive skills and energies. Founded on altruistic and philanthropic principles, the World State would bring global peace, disarmament and the opportunity of prosperity to every individual on Earth. The abolition of war and nuclear stockpiles would remove the threat of nuclear war and the possibility of ex-Soviet nuclear weapons falling into terrorist hands. It would also create a 'peace dividend' of nearly US$1.5 trillion per year, which could be spent on eliminating world poverty, disease and famine; on guaranteeing financial instability and a minimum income for all; and on solving energy and environmental problems. Initiatives by President Obama in a range of areas, such as his recent nuclear disarmament deal with Russia, show that he is already taking steps to implement this 'secret' American Dream.

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