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Philip Smucker makes an impassioned argument for understanding and reconciliation. Traversing a broad swath of the world''s great Islamic societies, from northern Africa to Indonesia, he mingles a multitude of personal experiences with insights and analysis. The ultimate goal is peaceful resolution of the great ''war on terror'' that pits U.S.-led forces against a wide range of enemies. He avoids demonizing either or any side in a search for a better way of both waging war and making peace. As the title suggests, our enemies also are our brothers, and the war will end only when we recognize our common bond as people with similar yearnings, hopes, and fears.... The author himself sides only with a desire to resolve conflict. He suggests how in a final section devoted to sensitive and colorful first-person reporting from the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. Moving from there to the plain at West Point, he offers criticism and advice that those closest to the war zone may want to consider seriously.-Donald Kirk, Asia expert, correspondent, Christian Science Monitor, author of Korea Betrayed: Kim Dae Jung and the Struggle for SunshineIn this kaleidoscopic tour behind the frontlines of the war of ideas, veteran investigative journalist Philip Smucker-the author of the acclaimed Al Qaeda''s Great Escape-assesses US efforts to persuade Muslims that Americans respect their rights and interests, while we fight wars and promote our interests. He draws on extensive travels in the Muslim world through interviews with a cross-section of the population including students, intellectuals, insurgents and politicians. For an American perspective, the author examines the threat of terrorism and the challenges of winning the peace through candid interviews with US military officers, diplomats, and regional experts.Smucker describes turmoil within the Islamic realm and our efforts to project soft power into a world that remains misunderstood. He assesses both our failures and successes in Israel and Palestine, Egypt, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Saharan Africa.In contrast to Western fearmongers who use hyperbolic rhetoric about a clash of civilizations and our war with Islamic fascism, Smucker asserts that such language targeting a would-be enemy has only aided and abetted al Qaeda''s recruiting drive and hardened attitudes against America among average Muslims.Several themes resonate through Smucker''s interviews. One is that the Muslim world is looking for consistent engagement from the United States, particularly in regard to Israeli-Palestinian peace. After decades of paying lip service to the ideal of peace in the Middle East, Smucker shows why it is crucial for the Obama Administration to push forcefully for a two-state solution. Another is that the US must discontinue its policy of backing authoritarian regimes that oppress their people. In the eyes of everyday Muslims, such tactics make a mockery of our claim to be the champion of individual liberty. Muslims, many of whom already support democratic change, will only be convinced of America''s good will, says Smucker, if our actions speak louder than our words. Finally, Smucker makes the case that as long as Americans and Muslims view one another with blanket suspicions and as potential enemies, neither side can hope to persuade his brother to see the world in another light. Though there are no silver bullets, pacification, development, and democratic progress should be approached through shifts in American foreign policy, he argues.This revealing, vividly told narrative by a daring and experienced journalist with firsthand knowledge of the events and people in conflict areas offers unforgettable insights into the Muslim world''s hopes and fears as well as our own crucial diplomatic overtures and military campaigns across the Islamic world.Philip Smucker (Alexandria, VA) is the author of the highly acclaimed Al Qaeda''s Great Escape, which broke the story of Osama''s Bin Laden''s escape. A seaso
This is the sixth volume of Dr. Justin GlennÕs comprehensive history that traces the ÒPresidential lineÓ of the Washingtons. Volume One began with the immigrant John Washington, who settled in Westmoreland Co., Va., in 1657, married Anne Pope, and became the great-grandfather of President George Washington. It continued the record of their descendants for a total of seven generations. Volume Two highlighted notable family members in the next eight generations of John and Anne WashingtonÕs descendants. Volume Three traced the ancestry of the early Virginia members of this ÒPresidential BranchÓ back in time to the aristocracy and nobility of England and continental Europe. Volume Four resumed the family history where Volume One ended, and it contained Generation Eight of the immigrant John WashingtonÕs descendants. Volume Five treated Generation Nine. Volume Six now presents Generation Ten, and it includes over 12,000 descendants. Future volumes will add generations eleven through fifteen, making a total of over 63,000 descendants. Although structured in a genealogical format for the sake of clarity, this is no bare bones genealogy but a true family history with over 1,200 detailed biographical narratives. These in turn strive to convey the greatness of the family that produced not only The Father of His Country but many others, great and humble, who struggled to build that country. ADVANCE PRAISE ÒI am convinced that your work will be of wide interest to historians and academics as well as members of the Washington family itself. Although the surname Washington is perhaps the best known in American history and much has been written about the Washington family for well over a century, it is surprising that no comprehensive family history has been published. Justin M. GlennÕs The Washingtons: A Family History finally fills this void for the branch to which General and President George Washington belonged, identifying some 63,000 descendants. This is truly a family history, not a mere tabulation of names and dates, providing biographical accounts of many of the descendants of John Washington who settled in Westmoreland County, Virginia, in 1657. . . . Each individual section is followed by extensive listings of published and manuscript sources supporting the information presented and errors of identification in previous publications are commented upon as appropriate.Ó John Frederick Dorman, editor of The Virginia Genealogist (1957-2006) and author of Adventurers of Purse and Person ÒDecades of reviewing Civil War books have left me surprised and delighted when someone applies exhaustive diligence to a topic not readily accessible. Dr. Glenn surely meets that standard with the meticulous research that unveils the Washington family in gratifying detailÑmany of them Confederates of interest and importance.Ó Robert K. Krick, author of The Smoothbore Volley that Doomed the Confederacy and Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain
"The Black Muslim Manifesto" is the compilation of over ten years of essays addressing events of historical, contemporary and ideological significance. Debates between the author and others, who contested some of his positions, form the basis of several chapters. The essays not only provide Lukman's reflections on some of the most critical issues of the past decade, they also include a critical analysis of American history, a critique of Malcolm X, a biographical sketch of Kwame Ture (partly based on the author's personal relationship with him), Lukman's understanding of the religion of Islam, particularly as it relates to the post 9/11 world; commentaries on Lebanon, Sudan, Gaza, the "ascendancy" of Obama etc. There are countless opinions offered concerning every topic addressed in the "Manifesto," however, that which makes the "Manifesto" unique is it's uncompromising, Black, revolutionary, Islamic perspective. This is a perspective that is totally missing from the ideological discourse, in America, on either the "left" or the "right." The climate of fear engendered by George W's "fatwa" that "you are either with us or you are with the terrorists" has sent Muslim "leadership" in America scurrying behind the mantra "Islam is peace." The fact that Bush codified his "fatwa" with the Patriot Act has left this brand of "leadership" cowering in fear. Those who wish to pass themselves off as Black "leadership" are no better than their Muslim counterparts. The "Manifesto" takes the unabashed position that the "Obamamania," which has been signed onto by most "recognized" Black "leadership," is no more than a corporate controlled deception. It is a deception designed for international as well as domestic consumption. The American ruling class is faced with the "browning of America." They are also confronted with an increasingly non-white, anti-American global population. According to the "Manifesto," "Obamaism" represents the apotheosis of neo-colonialism. Are the views expressed in the two preceding paragraphs controversial? Of course they are and they are reflective of the spirit of the book. That is precisely what makes the "Manifesto" unique. The "uniqueness" of the book is part of the appeal of the "Manifesto." An embattled Muslim world will find a voice, in the Western Hemisphere, who champions their cause. Followers of the teachings of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad will see that "Elijah Lives" in its pages. Revolutionary thinkers will find a book written in the spirit of George Jackson's "Blood in my Eye." And, of course, liberals, reformists, "accommodationists" and "assimilationists" will be horrified. But that is precisely the type of debate all intellectuals should welcome.
In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, the United States declared war on terrorism. More than ten years later, the results are decidedly mixed. Here world-renowned author, diplomat, and scholar Akbar Ahmed reveals an important yet largely ignored result of this war: in many nations it has exacerbated the already broken relationship between central governments and the largely rural Muslim tribal societies on the peripheries of both Muslim and non-Muslim nations. The center and the periphery are engaged in a mutually destructive civil war across the globe, a conflict that has been intensified by the war on terror. Conflicts between governments and tribal societies predate the war on terror in many regions, from South Asia to the Middle East to North Africa, pitting those in the centers of power against those who live in the outlying provinces. Akbar Ahmed's unique study demonstrates that this conflict between the center and the periphery has entered a new and dangerous stage with U.S. involvement after 9/11 and the deployment of drones, in the hunt for al Qaeda, threatening the very existence of many tribal societies. American firepower and its vast anti-terror network have turned the war on terror into a global war on tribal Islam. And too often the victims are innocent children at school, women in their homes, workers simply trying to earn a living, and worshipers in their mosques. Battered by military attacks or drone strikes one day and suicide bombers the next, the tribes bemoan, "Every day is like 9/11 for us." In The Thistle and the Drone, the third volume in Ahmed's groundbreaking trilogy examining relations between America and the Muslim world, the author draws on forty case studies representing the global span of Islam to demonstrate how the U.S. has become involved directly or indirectly in each of these societies. The study provides the social and historical context necessary to understand how both central governments and tribal societies have become embroiled in America's war. Beginning with Waziristan and expanding to societies in Central Asia, the Middle East, North Africa, and elsewhere, Ahmed offers a fresh approach to the conflicts studied and presents an unprecedented paradigm for understanding and winning the war on terror. The Thistle and the Drone was the 2013 Foreword Reviews Gold winner for Political Science.
The connections between religion and violence are complex and multifaceted. From the conflicts in Middle East and the Balkans to those in Southeast Asia and beyond, religion frames and legitimates political violence. Moreover, in international relations since 9/11, religious language and metaphors have acquired a new significance. In this context the emerging consensus appears to be not only that violence is intrinsic to religion, but also that religions incite, legitimate, and intensify political violence. However, such an unambiguous indictment of religions is incomplete in that it fails both to appreciate significant counter examples and to recognize the diversity that exists within religions on the issue of violence, particularly the religious roots of pacifism and the ethics of non-violence. This collection explores aspects of this ambivalence between religion and violence. It focuses on traditions of legitimation and pacifism within the three monotheistic religions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam, and concludes with an examination of this ambivalence as it unfolds in each tradition's engagement with the politics of gender.

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